jasa pasang lampu taman, instalasi lampu taman

Dari berita Tambo Pagaruyung dapat diketahui bagaiman keadaan Pagaruyung sesudah Adiyawarman demikian pula wawancara dengan S.M. Taufik Thaib SH. Dikatakan mengenai silisilah raja-raja Pagaruyung adalah sebagai berikut: Adityawarman (1339-1376) Ananggawarman (1376) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bakilap Alam Yang Dipertuan Sultan Pasambahan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Alif gelar Khalifafullah Yang Dipertuan Sultan Barandangan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Patah (Sultan Muning II) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Muning III Yang Dipertuan Sultan Sembahwang Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bagagar Syah Yang Dipertuan Gadih Reni Sumpur 1912 Yang Dipertuan Gadih Mudo (1912-1915) Sultan Ibrahim 1915-1943 gelar Tuanku Ketek Drs. Sultan Usman 1943 (Kepala Kaum Keluarga Raja Pagaruyung) Dari data ini dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa sesudah Adityawarman raja-raja di Pagaruyung sudah menganut agama Islam sesuai dengan sebutan Sultan (pengaruh Islam). Bila Sultan Bakilap Alam memerintah tidak disebutkan oleh tambo tersebut, tetapi dapat diperkirakan sesudah tahun 1409, karena sampai 1409 pemerintahan Pagaruyung masih bersifat sentralisasi seperti sewaktu pemerintahan Adityawarman. Sesudah tahun tersebut pemerintahan Pagaruyung sudah desentralisasi dengan pengertian bahwa nagari-nagari sudah mempunyai otonom penuh dan pemerintahan di Pagaruyung sudah mulai melemah. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa di atas pemerintahan nagari-nagari terlihat adanya dua tingkat pemerintahan yaitu Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai. Rajo Tigo Selo dimaksudkan adalah tiga orang raja yang sekaligus berkuasa di bidang masing-masing. Raja Alam berkedudukan di Pagaruyung sebagai pucuk pimpinan, Raja Adat berkedudukan di Buo yang melaksanakan tugas-tugas kerajaan dibidang adat. Raja Ibadat berkedudukan di Sumpur Kudus dan melaksanakan urusan keagamaan kerajaan. Gambaran ini adalah lembaga pemerintahan di tingkat raja. Sedangkan ditingkat Menteri dan Dewan Menteri yang dimaksud dengan Basa Ampek Balai terdiri dari: 1. Bandaro (Titah) di Sungai Tarab sebagai Perdana Menteri 2. Tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting yang mengurus masalah Agama 3. Indomo di Saruaso mengurus masalah keuangan 4. Makhudum di Sumanik yang mengurus masalah pertahanan dan rantau Masyarakat nagari dalam mengusut persoalannya berjenjang naik sampai ketingkat kerajaan. Dibidang adat dari nagari terus ke Bandaro dan kalau tidak putus juga diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Buo dan kalau tidak putus juga masalahnya diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Alam di Pagaruyung yang akan memberikan kata putus. Begitu juga dalam bidang agama. Dari nagari naik kepada tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting, terus kepada raja Ibadat di Sumpur Kudus, dan bula tidak selesai juga akhirnya sampai kepada raja Alam yang akan memberikan kata putusnya. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa Lembaga Rajo Tigo Selo dibentuk bersama dengan pembentukan Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai. Penobatan dan pelatikan Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai bersamaan pula dengan pengangkatan dan pengiriman “Sultan Nan Salapan” ke daerah rantau Minangkabau yaitu daerah-daerah: Aceh, Palembang, Tambusai, Rao, Sungai Pagu, Bandar Sepuluh, Siak Indra Pura, Rembau Sri Menanti dan lain-lain. Pengangkatan dan pelantikan itu dilakukan oleh Sultan Bakilap Alam. Dalam hal ini Bahar Dt Nagari Basa, mengatakan bahwa Basa Ampek Balai pada mulanya terdiri dari Bandaro di Sungai Tarap, yang menjadi Payung Panji Koto Piliang; Datuk Makhudum di Sumanik yang menjadi Pasak Kungkung Koto Piliang; Indomo di Saruaso yang menjadi Amban Puruak (bendahara) Koto Piliang; Tuan Gadang di Batipuah yang menjadi Harimau Campo Koto Piliang, yaitu Menteri Pertahanan Koto Piliang. Kemudian setelah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dimasukkan Tuan Kadhi sebagai anggota Basa Ampek Balai dan “Tuan Gadang” di Batipuh ke luar dari keanggotaan itu dengan berdiri sendiri sebagai orang yang bertanggung jawab dalam masalah pertahanan Koto Piliang. Semuanya itu terdapat di Tanah Datar yang merupakan pucuk pimpinan di Minangkabau. Selanjutnya dikatakan yang menjadi kebesaran Luhak Agam adalah Parik Paga dan Kebesaran Lima Puluh Kota adalah Penghulu. Dari keterangan itu yang dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai sudah ada sebelum Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dengan bukti seperti yang dikatakan oleh Datuk Nagari Basa dengan susunan yang sedikit berbeda dari apa yang kita kenal kemudian. Baru sesudah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau kedudukan Tuan Kadhi diserahkan untuk mengurus masalah agama Islam. Selanjutnya susunan Basa Ampek Balai dengan Tuan Gadang sudah seperti yang kita kenal sekarang ini. Mengenai susunan pemerintahan Pagaruyung sesudah Adityawarman ini diuraikan dengan lengkap dalam cerita Cindua Mato. Cindua Mato (Candra Mata) adalah sebuah cerita rakyat Minangkabau yang menggambarkan tentang keadaan pemerintahan Minangkabau Pagaruyung di zaman kebesarannya. Walaupun dalam cerita ini mengenai raja-raja yang diceritakan sudah ada unsur legendanya, tetapi yang mengenai masalah lainnya sama dengan apa yang dikatakan Tambo. Menurut Tambo, Basa Ampek Balai pernah memegang kedudukan Raja Alam yaitu sesudah Sultan Alif meninggal, karena orang yang akan menggantikan Sultan Alih masih belum dewasa. Buat sementara dipegang oleh Basa Ampek Bala KERAJAAN PAGARUYUNG SESUDAH ADITYAWARMAN

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

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