Mitos keangkeran 2 kabupaten jadi pantangan dikunjungi presiden
Mitos memang sudah melekat sejak lama di bumi Nusantara, salah satunya di Jawa. Mitos yang didefinisikan sebagai cerita prosa rakyat yang telah menceritakan kisah-kisah lama berisi penafsiran tentang alam semesta dan keberadaan makhluk di dalamnya.
Bagi sebagian masyarakat, terutama para penuturnya, Mitos ini dianggap benar-benar terjadi. Misalnya mitos keangkeran dua kabupaten, yakni Kediri dan Bojonegoro di Jawa Timur yang telah menjadi pantangan presiden RI untuk dikunjungi.
Konon, mitos yang berkembang di tengah masyarakat setempat, bila presiden RI berkunjung ke dua daerah itu bakal lengser. Entah karena kebetulan atau tidak, tapi beberapa presiden yang telah berkunjung ke Kediri--sebelum Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)--selalu lengser.
Presiden Soekarno, BJ Habibie dan Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), lengser setelah tak lama berkunjung ke kota tahu itu. Bahkan sepanjang pemerintahannya selama 32 tahun, Soeharto tidak pernah menginjakkan kaki ke Kediri.
Dalam riwayat Babat Kadhiri, konon telah terdapat kutukan pada kerajaan Kediri tatkala terlibat dalam peperangan dengan musuh. Bunyinya, "Jika pasukan Kediri menyerang musuh di daerah lawan lebih dulu akan selalu memenangkan pertempuran, akan tetapi sebaliknya jika musuh langsung menyerang ke pusat kerajaan Kediri lebih dulu maka musuh itu akan selalu berhasil memperoleh kemenangan yang gemilang."
Barangkali karena kutukan itulah konon para presiden RI selalu menghindari untuk singgah ke kota Kediri dalam setiap perjalanan di wilayah Jawa Timur. Ada yang menafsirkan, tatkala presiden berani singgah ke Kediri, maka posisi mereka bakal mudah diserang oleh musuh atau lawan politiknya.
Namun kisah tutur masyarakat setempat telah mengaitkan kutukan itu dengan tempat, misalnya Simpang Lima Gumul di Kediri, yang dipercaya sebagai pusat Kerajaan Kediri. Sementara kisah lain mengaitkan mitos dengan kutukan Sungai Brantas yang telah menjadi tapal batas Kerajaan Kediri, yakni bila ada raja, kini disebut presiden, masuk ke Kediri melewati Sungai Berantas maka akan lengser.
Boleh percaya boleh tidak, tapi Presiden SBY juga pernah mendengar cerita itu, dan untuk menghormatinya memilih melewati jalan melingkat lewat Blitar sebelum ke Kediri menemui korban letusan Gunung Kelud.
"Kemarin saya mau ke Kediri, sms masuk luar biasa, Pak SBY jangan ke kediri nanti anda jatuh," kata Presiden SBY saat membuka Musyawarah Nasional FKPPI, di Caringin Bogor, 29 Oktober 2007.
Kabupaten yang telah memiliki mitos mirip adalah Bojonegoro. Konon, dari enam presiden di Indonesia, hanya Soekarno yang pernah menginjakkan kaki di daerah yang lekat dengan legenda Angling Dharma itu.
"Tidak ada satu presiden yang menginjakkan kakinya di sini. Tidak tahu kenapa," kata Gus Mul, salah seorang tokoh masyarakat di Bojonegoro saat berbincang Senin lalu.
Namun, dari cerita yang dia tahu, ada mitos yang beredar di kalangan masyarakat bahwa jika presiden mampir di Bojonegoro, dia akan turun dari tahta. Sebagai seorang tokoh pemuka agama, Gus Mul telah mengenyampingkan mitos tersebut. "Itu hanya mitos. Kalau mau datang ya datang saja," ujar Gus Mul.
Memang belum banyak fakta mitos ini terjadi di Bojonegoro. Namun agaknya kisah tutur masyarakat setempat memang ada, misalnya orang-orang tua dulu yang menyebut pantang dalam peperangan lebih dulu menyeberangi bengawan sore (sekarang bengawan Solo). Barang siapa yang menyeberang lebih dulu pasti bakal kalah. Kisah ini telah terbukti dalam kisah peperangan hebat di bengawan Solo yang menewaskan Arya Penangsang alias Aryo Jipang, penguasa Kadipaten Jipang.
Arya Penangsang tewas bersama kudanya si Garak Rimang, setelah dikeroyok prajurit Sultan Pajang, Sultan Hadiwijaya alias Maskarebet atau Jaka Tingkir. Dalam cerita buku Babad Tanah Jawi yang disusun oleh W.L. Olthof di Leiden, Belanda pada 1941, untuk membunuh Arya Penangsang yang pemberang itu memang sulit karena kesaktiannya tiada tanding. Namun akhirnya Arya Penangsang mati dicacah pedang dan tombak setelah dia melanggar kutukan, yakni menyerang lebih dulu dengan menyeberang bengawan.
As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.
A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.
“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”
Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.
In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.
“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.
The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.
“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.
But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.
After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”
That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.
That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.
“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.
The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.
In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.
“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”
Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”
His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.
“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”